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Learn more. Mass Market Paperback. Etude de prix dans les entreprises de travaux publics French Edition Sep 1 Neel was deeply struck by the institute's decline, "which surpassed all one could imagine" 1. The garden surrounding the main building was "a true jungle", its iron fence being "absent in some places and twisted by the force of a more than luxuriant vegetation" in others.
Cracks could be seen in most walls and a deteriorated horse stable still had "the rings used for tying up the donkeys and horses of the carriage era" 2. The inside of the building was in a similarly damaged condition: the scarce laboratory equipment "probably dated from the institute's opening"; cleaning never succeeded in doing away with "dust and spider webs"; black wooden cupboards leaned tightly against the walls "to avoid the plaster falling by whole sections" 3.
It must have been hard for Neel to imagine that the Tangier institute once pioneered Pastorian activities in Morocco, embodying the hegemonic expectations of French medical science. The extent of its decay was a measure of its failure to fulfill such a task and to attain the excellence of its Algerian and Tunisian counterparts in terms of research and institutional development.
Tangier failed to maintain its exclusivity as well, being doubled by a new center opened in Casablanca in However, not even this most uncommon feat has helped attract much attention to the history of Pastorianism in Morocco, some basic facts of which are still unclarified 4. In this paper, we will try to reconstruct the early period of that history with more accuracy, and this will oblige us to revisit French colonialism in Morocco as well, for the troubled origins of the institutes of Tangier and Casablanca were inseparable from a serious limitation in the European takeover of the country that postcolonial narratives have failed to identify.
We actually intend to question the very basic frame from which most historiography, colonial and postcolonial, has analyzed medicine and public health in European-dominated Morocco. For it may well be that Warwick Anderson's critique about postcolonial history unwittingly reproducing "derivative European social formations" -in our particular case, conceiving The French and Spanish Protectorates in Morocco as a sort of miniature, mutually detached states- is yet unaddressed 5. Several authors let it be understood that bacteriology was introduced in Morocco in the first two decades of the 20th century, hand in hand with French imperialism 6.
Yet these accounts overlook an earlier period in which it grew partly local roots in the country. The intersection of the drive for modernization led by Sultan Hassan I, with Spanish second-rank imperialism lay behind that process. From the mids Spain devised a novel strategy to "regenerate Morocco" that bore significant differences from the "civilizing mission" promoted by Great Britain and France 7. In public health, the Spanish-Moroccan intersection aimed at reforming and developing the rudimentary technical structures of the International Sanitary Council of Tangier 8 , a higher consultative body that had been set up in , rather than imposing a brand new scheme.
Thus, Doctor Severo Cenarro led the creation of a Hygiene Commission in , to which the Council lent powers and funds for promoting urban hygiene in Tangier and in the country's other main port towns.
He also brought Mogador Island back to regular use as quarantine lazaretto for Mecca pilgrims from Regeneration initiatives were concentrated in Tangier and aimed to transform the city into the modern capital of Morocco. These new health institutions provided the suitable culture for a modest, partly local-driven "translation" of bacteriology at the end of the 19th century that ensured some benefits for and participation of Moroccans Research, vaccines-sera production and disinfection were its three main elements.
Thus, the School of Medicine had a laboratory equipped with a Zeiss microscope, as well as with other "devices and instruments for micrology studies" The Hygiene Commission, meanwhile, organized a modest permanent deposit of sera and vaccines. A reserve of "cowpox lymph" was available from January Finally, disinfection procedures were set up at the Mogador Island lazaretto.
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In early , Dr. Enrique Rebolledo used two chambers of an old defense battery for the disinfection of "clothes and baggage" 15 , one of them equipped as a "disinfection stove", the other containing "boilers for the disinfection of clothes of immediate use" More than 1, pilgrims and tons luggage were dealt with in that year's quarantine.
Therefore, when the prestigious French bacteriology of Louis Pasteur made its appearance in Morocco by the mids, in another step of its accelerated expansion throughout the world in connection with the Third Republic's "civilizing mission" 17 , it found the context briefly sketched above. Pastorianism, which required as adequate culture a colonial health scheme of the type of Algeria's or Tonkin's, was consequently forced to grow outside the local administration in Morocco, constrained within the legal frame of the French Legation and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Due to this lack of local roots in Tangier, initiatives originated in the distant Pasteur institutes of Paris PIP and Algiers PIA : the split between metropolitan and Algerian-oriented projects would become a lasting feature of French bacteriology in Morocco. Hindered by these factors, Pastorian initiatives took pains to follow Spanish-Moroccan developments in research, vaccines-sera production and disinfection, competition with them often yielding unfavorable results.
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For example, the PIP failed to coopt the Hygiene Commission's plans for creating a deposit of sera and vaccines. Spivakoff, a Crimean Jew doctor trained in the Rotschild Hospital of Paris who directed the French Hospital in Tangier, asked the French Legation for two months' leave to visit Paris for "studying the technique of serum-therapy in the laboratory of Dr. Roux and in those hospitals having specialized services against diphtheria" Spivakoff visited the PIP's main facilities, where Roux personally received him, the Garches annex on the outskirts of Paris, where he was shown the serum's preparation in horses, and the Necker and Trousseau hospitals, where he was "convinced of the wonderful therapeutic results" The outcomes of his travel were twofold.
On the one hand, Cenarro was informed that his requests for serum should be now directly addressed to the head of the PIP's anti-diphtheritic serum service On the other hand, 25 doses of serum were sent to the French Hospital "to cover the most urgent needs" With both actions, the French sought the PIP to monopolize the supply of serum to the Hygiene Commission and that the hospital became a kind of unofficial franchise for its distribution -the first step toward a future Pasteur institute.
But Cenarro kept addressing the Commission's requests to either France or Germany via the diplomatic Legations despite French insistence 23 and the Commission set up its own local reserve of serum in Another setback for Pastorian bacteriology took place in too. With cholera raging in northern Morocco, Dr.
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His Pastorian pedigree was expected to dissolve bitter disagreements among Tangerian doctors, "the Spaniards arguing it is Asiatic cholera, Dr. Spivakoff claiming [ His opinions were however quickly discredited by a report from Cenarro and by news that the steamer had been granted a clean bill of health at Algiers in spite of deaths having occurred on board since its departure from Alexandria After the loss of Cuba and the Philippines in , Spanish influence waned in Morocco and the situation changed.
Although Pastorians could not immediately deploy its "civilizing" programme from a local, unified base, they succeeded at least in displacing Spanish doctors from its prominent position in local institutions -without getting down to any formal commitment as the latter did. A good example was the control achieved over the pilgrims' quarantine.
In the summer of , Dr. This led for the first time to the appointment of a French doctor, Lucien Raynaud, health inspector of Algiers. He travelled to Morocco in 33 , and , on the latter two occasions being accompanied by his colleague Dr. For the Legation, such continuity confirmed "the dominance we have struggled to achieve in Morocco's health affairs" The PIP would eventually take over the task in when Dr.
He would run it until Pastorian research in Morocco also progressed steadily during the first years of the 20th century. Henri Foley was sent to Oran in There he met General Lyautey, military chief of the Southern Oran territories, who was surreptitiously pursuing French expansion in the Algerian-Moroccan borders. In Lyautey appointed Foley to the army post of Beni-Ounif, near Morocco's Figuig oases, where he installed a "Saharan laboratory" and began pioneering research on the role of the louse in the transmission of recurrent fever, in collaboration with the future director of the PIA, Edmond Sergent This was the first step in Foley's decided conversion to Pastorianism.
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When the PIA was completely refashioned in , Foley's Beni-Ounif laboratory became an official branch, where research kept being done on recurrent fever and tuberculosis affecting Eastern Moroccan populations. Stillborn: the creation of the Pasteur Institute of Tangier. Foley actually deployed most of his activities during a new phase of French intervention in Morocco. Secret agreements with Great Britain and Spain in and anticipated France's mounting hegemony in Morocco over its European rivals The Algeciras Conference of would make it real by placing the largest and most important part of the country under French "influence" and by assigning France the leading role in the reforms of the Moroccan state The following year, the army occupied Casablanca and the Chaouia on the Atlantic coast, and seized Oujda and the Beni Snassen mountains in the East.
Neither the short-lived occupation of Marrakech by Ahmed el-Hiba in , nor the nearly successful Fez mutiny of May stopped the advance of French rule in Morocco All this brought a great leap forward for Pastorian initiatives. For Regnault,. Our role is to bring civilization to Morocco and to settle our influence [ The PIT should finally unify Pastorian initiatives and place them at the core of a new French-made health administration whose only continuity with the Council and Commission would be its location in Tangier, as France then envisaged no other capital for its colonial Morocco.
The new center, placed "under the French Legation's authority", would be directed by a commission composed of the president of the French Hospital's board, the medical consultant of the Sanitary Council, the sultan's Public Works chief engineer, the French president of the Tangier municipality, the president of the French Chamber of Commerce, the French consul and two representatives of the French community The PIT would intervene in all sanitary issues, from urban water supply to cemeteries, from food and drink surveillance to sewage.
Special attention would be paid to epidemic diseases such as "anthrax, Mediterranean fever, rabies, wounds diphtheria, smallpox, typhus, bubonic plague and [ In effect, the creation of the institute was motivated less by charity or vaudeville, as it is still claimed 46 , than by the sustained threat of plague that had grown from isolated cases in Casablanca in to a massive epidemic in the Dukkala region by Such threat helped Regnault to obtain, in June , the exchange of a terrain initially granted by the sultan in for the one-hectare plot on which the institute would be erected He immediately hired the orientalist architect Henri Saladin and contacted the PIP, which promised 40, francs for the building and another 30, francs "for the purchase of the required equipment and collections" In September, he asked the Home Office for , francs from the Fonds des jeux Lottery Fund , which, added to the previous 70,, would suffice for creating "a real sanitary and scientific institute" The construction of the main building and animal facilities started in late or early after Saladin had submitted part of the plans and the PIP had delivered its first sum Roux and Albert Calmette prepared the draft project themselves and instructed Saladin on the best arrangement of laboratories Remlinger was an army bacteriologist turned Pastorian who had worked at the Belvedere Hospital in Tunis and the Imperial Institute of Bacteriology of Constantinople Although the Legation thought "his assignment to Morocco won't be of use before several months" 55 until the first PIT's buildings would be finished , an expert was needed to study the plague epidemic on the ground.
Remlinger arrived in Dukkala in September 56 and a month later he presented his report to the Sanitary Council of Tangier His arrival in the city was closely followed by the ministry's allowance of the PIP's second installment. Finally, Saladin submitted his full project in February 58 and the following month the Fonds des jeux awarded the much-needed , francs Construction work would be resumed in May and further equipment purchased in Paris.
In June, Roux advanced an additional 15, francs The institute started its operations well before its construction was finished. First, since October , it replaced the French Hospital as supplier of sera to French medical centers in Morocco. In March , Roux agreed with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to rise the quantity of sera free of charge sent to Morocco every year up to 1, doses They would start to be distributed for free to French institutions and the Hygiene Commission in November.
Further supplies needed would be produced locally and sold at reduced prices Second, when the Sanitary Council declared its veterinary bureau vacant in December , Remlinger maneuvered so that "candidates would be asked for diplomas and publications so that the election of one of our nationals would be ensured" The army veterinarian Sejournant was appointed and began to run the attached clinic on a voluntary basis by early Finally, the rabies vaccine section was opened on May 25, Tricolor flags flew over the institute's main building on July 14, , the French national day, when the official inauguration took place The total cost of construction and equipment had reached , francs; the ministry fixed an annual subvention of 30, A huge effort had ended in success In a display of sincerity, Remlinger cast a dark shadow over the actual vitality of the newly born institution, which, in his view, was severely compromised by a fact that no one could have foreseen: "the partition of Morocco into three zones" In effect, after German and British constraints, the French had had to accept the creation of a Spanish Protectorate in November and also that Tangier was assigned a vague international status yet to be determined.
As a result, the PIT, conceived of as an exact homologue of the Algiers and Tunis institutes, now found itself legally trapped beyond French control and geographically cut off from French Morocco. For Remlinger, had this been known in advance, there would have been doubts about opening the institute "in Casablanca, Fez, Meknes or Rabat, but it is sure that Tangier wouldn't have been chosen" Instead, French Morocco faced a "marriage of convenience" with the PIT that was already being questioned by projects of construction "in Casablanca or Rabat of a replica of the Pasteur Institute of Tangier" Remlinger's fears proved to be justified.
Although a contract of January 31, gave it official status as Institut Pasteur du Maroc , it was not signed by the Parisian motherhouse with the French Protectorate but with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The new scientific center, whose "administration, technical direction and recruitment of personnel" were trusted to Pastorians, was thus housed "in a building and on terrains property of the French state", being a purely French institution without Moroccan roots Tangier's Sanitary Council and the Hygiene Commission continued to exist, thereby putting constant obstacles to the development of an autonomous health administration in French Morocco.
Even PIT's activities within Tangier were affected.
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Lyautey went as far as to propose Foley becoming the French Protectorate's first health inspector in June 75 and although he rejected the offer, he continued his research in the Algerian-Moroccan borders in close connection with the PIA. Emmanuel Abord de Chatillon is senior lecturer at the University of Savoie. His work focuses on the management of health and safety at work. It also works with companies and public organizations in the prevention of occupational pathologies. Her research focuses on management and public management. Emmanuel Abord de Chatillon es profesor en la Universidad de Savoie.
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